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Observers frequently contend that China’s international influence is growing in lockstep with its economic rise. This includes the US Department of State, which recently suggested that after four decades of rapid growth, China’s ‘global reach and international influence have expanded accordingly’ (Office of the Secretary of State 2020: 40). While scholars in international relations and other fields have been more cautious, policy and popular debates have shed nuance in favour of a linear narrative that pegs China’s influence to its global investments (Goh 2016; Kastner and Pearson 2021).
Global China Pulse (GCP) is an open access biannual publication that focuses on China’s international engagements in their various manifestations. Alongside the informational infrastructure The People’s Map of Global China provides, GCP offers a new space to publish content in a variety of styles and, possibly, experiment with different approaches and formats. GCP rests on two pillars: the conviction that today more than ever it is necessary to bridge the gap between the scholarly community, civil society, and the general public; and the related belief that open access is necessary to ethically reappropriate academic research from commercial publishers who restrict the free circulation of ideas.
It can be accessed at: https://thepeoplesmap.net/globalchinapulse/global-china-pulse-1-2022/
The inaugural issue includes a contribution by another CWP alum Austin Strange: https://thepeoplesmap.net/globalchinapulse/high-profile-infrastructure-and-chinas-global-influence-gamble/
Hong Zhang received her PhD in Public Policy from Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University in 2021. Her research interests include China’s political economy, international development cooperation and foreign aid, and the global expansion of China’s national champion SOEs, particularly in the construction sector. Her doctoral dissertation explains how China’s developmental state extends its core mechanisms in its international development engagements. Hong is also a fellow at the China and the World Program at Columbia University in 2021-2022. She co-edits the People’s Map of Global China and the Made in China Journal. Hong has a MSc in Sociology from London School of Economics and a bachelor’s degree in economics from Renmin University of China. Before the academic career, she had worked as an international reporter for China’s Caixin Media. For a list of her publications, please see her Google Scholar page. She tweets as @StellaHongZhang.
Photo Credit: https://thepeoplesmap.net/globalchinapulse/global-china-pulse-1-2022/
On an August day last year, Xi Jinping visited Saihanba National Forest Park to inspect the trees and flowers. Spanning nearly 200,000 acres northwest of Beijing, the old imperial hunting ground turned to desert in the 19th century amidst deforestation and overuse. With no trees left to catch the wind, violent sandstorms rolled in from Inner Mongolia, filling Beijing’s air with choking sediment. But in 1962, Chinese authorities began a multi-decade project to restore the region into a “Great Green Wall” defending the capital. More in this series: The Diplomatic Deadlock It worked. Today, Saihanba is the world’s largest planted forest. During his visit, Xi praised the Communist Party’s four decades of “struggle,” which he said had transformed a wasteland where “yellow sand covered up the sky” into “a source of rivers, a homeland of clouds, a world of flowers, a sea of forests and a paradise for birds.” Saihanba, Xi said approvingly, is a “model example in China’s pursuit of ecological progress.”
https://www.thewirechina.com/2022/07/17/chinas-climate-adaptation-advantage/ - BY EYCK FREYMANN — JULY 17, 2022
Eyck Freymann is an upcoming CWP fellow for 2022-23. Previously he was a doctoral candidate in China Studies at the University of Oxford, where he researches the geopolitics of climate change. He is Director of Indo-Pacific and global pandemic coverage at Greenmantle, a New York-based advisory firm, and a Non-Resident Research Fellow with the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College.
In the 2022–23 academic year he will be a joint Fellow at the Arctic Initiative at the Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the Columbia-Harvard China & the World Program.
Freymann’s first book, One Belt One Road: Chinese Power Meets the World (Harvard UP 2020), is assigned as required reading in Harvard’s “United States and China” introductory course for undergraduates. He also writes on a range of other current affairs topics, including U.S. politics and foreign policy and COVID-19. Freymann’s writing has appeared in Foreign Affairs, The Economist, and The Atlantic, among others, and he is a reporter and columnist for The Wire China.
Freymann holds two masters degrees in China Studies: the first from Harvard University and the second from the University of Cambridge, where he was a Harvard-UK Henry Scholar. He earned his bachelors degree cum laude with highest honors in East Asian History from Harvard College.
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Abe personally strengthened India’s bilateral relationship with Japan by enticing India, a notoriously reluctant and cautious actor in global politics, to join his vision of the Indo-Pacific.
Shortly after the shocking news of the assassination of Japanese former prime minister, Abe Shinzo, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced that the following day, July 9, would be a day of national mourning in India for the slain leader. The show of respect was an appropriate statement for the loss of Abe, who was a transformative figure in Japan-India relations. Abe strengthened India’s bilateral relationship with Japan, and enticed India, a notoriously reluctant and cautious actor in global politics, to join his vision of the Indo-Pacific—an ideological framework that is now an important bulwark against the rise of China. In the process, Abe also managed to forge friendships with both Modi as well as Modi’s predecessor, Manmohan Singh.
Blog Post by Manjari Chatterjee Miller July 14, 2022 11:41 am (EST)
Manjari Chatterjee Miller is senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). She is also a research associate in the Contemporary South Asian Studies Programme at the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies at the University of Oxford. An expert on India, China, South Asia, and rising powers, she is the author of Why Nations Rise: Narratives and the Path to Great Power (2021) and Wronged by Empire: Post-Imperial Ideology and Foreign Policy in India and China (2013). Miller is also the co-editor of the Routledge Handbook of China-India Relations (2020), a monthly columnist for the Hindustan Times, and a frequent contributor to policy and media outlets in the United States and Asia.
Photo Credit: By Prime Minister's Office, Government of India - Extensive discussions with PM Shinzo Abe on the various ways to make India-Japan ties stronger & more diverse., GODL-India, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=51264405
In the late 1960s, the Soviet Union tried to induce North Korea to drift away from China. This challenged China’s security, given escalated tension between China and the Soviet Union in this period. To counter the Soviet policies, China used binding strategies, which are a state’s attempt to maintain or enhance its alignment with its security partners. I argue that China chose coercive binding as its primary strategy because it had strong leverage over North Korea. Meanwhile, China deployed accommodative binding to complement its primary strategy. In this article, I first develop a theoretical framework to explain how a state chooses its binding strategies. I then apply this theory to the Chinese-North Korean-Soviet triangle in the late 1960s. I conclude by discussing broader theoretical and policy implications, such as the importance of examining how states mix different types of binding strategies.
Published online: 11 Jul 2022 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2022.2097891 - https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09636412.2022.2097891?journalCode=fsst20
Chengzhi Yin is an upcoming CWP fellow. Previsouly he was a PhD candidate in the Political Science Department at Boston College. His research interests include international security, grand strategy, and Chinese foreign policy.
His dissertation title was: “Logic of Choice: China’s Alliance Balancing Strategies”
Abstract: China uses alliance balancing strategies to divide adversarial alliances and bind its own. The dissertation explores the way China chooses its strategies, including coercion, accommodation, and a mixture of both. Using archives from China, the United States, and Russia, the dissertation conducts five case studies and identifies leverage and threat perception to determine China’s choice of these strategies.
Photo Credit: Av Roman Harak - North Korea - China friendship, CC BY-SA 2.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=31637624
The governance of the vast resources of the Solar System will be constrained by the nature and distribution of those resources. We outline these constraints for the Moon, Mars, and the Asteroids. Governance is also historically contingent, and the “Founder Effect” means that our actions in the first few decades of harnessing space resources, mostly on the Moon and the near-Earth asteroids, will have a strong influence on the very different circumstances that will obtain later as our space-based economy grows. We review the nascent efforts to put in place principles and concepts for space resource governance. We present four sets of policy choices that will influence moderate-term, 30-year, developments: governments as anchor customers, governments supporting emerging firms, trade-offs between types of activities, and collective management of crowding and interference. We then describe some ways in which these choices are already being formed. There are two general ethical questions we pose: the “tenure and entitlement” problem, and the “near-term justice” problem. They are not unique to space, but the space examples throw them into high relief. The high cost threshold of space activities suggests that a quasi-monopoly power by a few corporations could well result, leading to evidently unfair treatment of workers within the corporations, and manifestly unjust distribution of the benefits to the wider global society outside the corporations, or an over-rapid exhaustion of those resources to at the cost of future generations.
Book Editor(s):Volker Hessel,Jana Stoudemire,Hideaki Miyamoto,Ian D. Fisk
First published: 01 July 2022 https://doi.org/10.1002/9783527830909.ch20 - https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/9783527830909.ch20
Alanna Krolikowski focuses her research on China-U.S. relations in strategic high-technology sectors. Her doctoral dissertation examines trade and technical cooperation between the two countries in commercial aircraft-manufacturing and civil-commercial space. During her time in the program, she will develop this project to examine bilateral relations in other high-technology sectors.
Alanna holds a PhD in political science at the University of Toronto. She has conducted research in Beijing and at several other sites across China as a visiting scholar in the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and in Washington, DC, as a visiting scholar in the Space Policy Institute of The George Washington University. Alanna graduated with a Bachelor of Arts with First Class Honours from McGill University and has a Master's degree from the University of Toronto.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/wikiimages-1897/
America’s recent turn toward protectionism has raised concerns about the future viability of the liberal international trading system. This study examines how and why public attitudes toward international trade change when one’s country is targeted by protectionist measures from abroad. To address this question, we fielded three original survey experiments in the country most affected by US protectionism: China. First, we find consistent evidence that US protectionism reduces Chinese citizens’ support for trade. This finding is replicated in parallel experiments on technology cooperation, and further validated outside of the China context with a survey experiment in Argentina. Second, we show that responses to US protectionism reflect both a “direct reciprocity” logic—citizens want to retaliate against the United States specifically—and a “generalized reciprocity” logic that reduces support for trade on a broader, systemic basis.
David Steinberg and Yeling Tan June 2022 - https://www.piie.com/sites/default/files/documents/wp22-10.pdf
Yeling Tan, nonresident senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics since May 2022, is assistant professor of political science at the University of Oregon.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/angela_yuriko_smith-6341455/
What explains rising powers’ approach to emerging norms that challenge ontological order? The article uses a controlled comparison of two rising powers, China and India, as they address the responsibility to protect, which reconceives state sovereignty as contingent. Both states rejected the norm at its inception, before diverging as UN Security Council members during norm application in the Libya intervention. China assumed a creative resister role, offering tactical concessions, while using traditional sovereignty norms to renovate norm content. India assumed a norm begrudger role, typified by rhetorical rejection and disengagement from evolving normative discourse, coupled with practical support for the responsibility to protect. These rising powers’ normative roles are shaped by their dual status and differing positions within the UN Security Council social environment.
Courtney J. Fung - Published online: 19 Jun 2022 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090076 - https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090076?journalCode=cjcc20
Courtney J. Fung is Associate Professor in the Department of Security Studies & Criminology at Macquarie University. She is concurrently Associate in Research at the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University and also Associate Fellow in the Asia-Pacific Programme at Chatham House, and is on the editorial board of Contemporary Security Policy and Australian Journal of International Affairs. Her research examines how rising powers address the norms and provisions for global governance and international security, with an empirical focus on China.
Courtney was previously an associate professor with tenure in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Hong Kong; a research fellow with the East Asia Institute (Seoul) in their Program on Peace, Governance, and Development in East Asia, and a post-doctoral research fellow with the now Columbia-Harvard China and the World Program.
Courtney is author of China and Intervention at the UN Security Council: Reconciling Status (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), which explains the effects of status on China's varied response to intervention and foreign-imposed regime change at the United Nations. Her book was shortlisted for the BISA LHM Ling Outstanding First Book Prize and received the 2019 - 2020 HKU Research Output Prize for the Faculty of Social Sciences. Her work appears or is forthcoming in Cooperation and Conflict, Global Governance, International Affairs, Journal of Global Security Studies, Journal of Contemporary China, PS: Political Science & Politics, The China Quarterly, Third World Quarterly, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, and International Peacekeeping.
Courtney holds a PhD in International Relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/padrinan-1694659/
Awardees 2022: Awarded to Yeling Tan for her book Disaggregating China, Inc. State Strategies in the Liberal Economic Order, Cornell University Press (2021).
Yeling Tan’s Disaggregating China, Inc. makes a major contribution to the fields of international political economy, comparative political economy, and Chinese politics. The book investigates China’s responses to pressures for reform arising from its entry into the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001. Tan convincingly shows that such pressures did not simply call for China to make policy adjustments in the areas of trade and industry policy, but to undertake far- reaching institutional reforms as well. WTO compliance calls not only for policy liberalization, but also institutional reform to create the institutions of the regulatory state, one that is capable of implementing the market-enhancing policies set as a requirement for WTO entry. Tan further demonstrates that China’s ability and willingness to implement such reforms cannot be reduced to either foot-dragging or acceptance. Instead, different parts of the Chinese state pursued one of three strategies: directive (market-substituting), developmental (market-shaping), or regulatory (market-enhancing), with the choice structured by the career incentives associated with each strategy in the specific bureaucratic, political and market contexts facing officials at different levels of government and in different agencies. Disaggregating China, Inc. brings an extraordinary and compelling range of empirical evidence to bear out this argument. Tan’s work is one of a very few studies of China to undertake systematic empirical analysis of micro-level processes, informed by rich contextual understanding. In the process, Tan demonstrates the importance of seeing China as a complex and multifaceted actor, not an authoritarian monolith. The book is nothing short of remarkable!
About the Prize: The Katzenstein Prize, in honor of Peter J. Katzenstein, the Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. Professor of International Studies at Cornell University, recognizes an outstanding first book in International Relations, Comparative Politics, or Political Economy. The prize was established on the occasion of Professor Katzenstein’s 40th Year at Cornell University and has been made possible by the generous support of his colleagues, collaborators, and former students.
https://government.cornell.edu/peter-katzenstein-book-prize -
My research interests lie at the intersection of international and comparative political economy, with an emphasis on China and the developing world. Two broad questions define my research agenda. First: how do the rules of globalization affect politics within authoritarian regimes such as China, given that these rules require increasingly far-reaching modifications to domestic institutions? Second, how do authoritarian regimes affect rule-making at the international level?
I am also a non-resident scholar at the UC San Diego 21st Century China Center and a Public Intellectual Fellow with the National Committee on US-China Relations. From 2017-20, I was a fellow of the World Economic Forum's Council on the Future of International Trade and Investment. From 2017-18, I was a post-doctoral fellow at the Princeton-Harvard China and the World Program at Princeton University
My work has been published in Comparative Political Studies, Governance, the China Journal and Global Policy. I am co-author of China Experiments: From Local Innovation to National Reform (Brookings Institution Press) and co-editor of Asia’s Role in Governing Global Health (Routledge). My latest book is Disaggregating China, Inc: State Strategies in the Liberal Economic Order (Cornell University Press Studies in Political Economy Series).
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/clker-free-vector-images-3736/ & https://government.cornell.edu/peter-katzenstein-book-prize
In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping launched two important connectivity initiatives: An economic silk road and a maritime silk road. The idea behind both was to create a network of connectivity between China and mostly developing countries that would boost both mutual collaboration and prosperity. These two initiatives were the foundation of what would come to be termed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a gargantuan infrastructure, trade, and connectivity venture encompassing billions of dollars of Chinese investment in projects across the globe.
Since its inception, BRI has generated controversy. The key question among wary China watchers is whether BRI is contributing to the growth of Chinese power and influence across the globe. The answer often depends on China-centric analyses – whether China is able to successfully manage BRI. But my recently-published discussion paper with the Council on Foreign Relations finds that the case of South Asia — Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives — is an example of how this question is better answered by examining recipient countries of BRI.
Article by Manjari Chatterjee Miller, Author - Originally published at Hindustan Times - June 27, 2022 12:44 pm (EST) - https://www.cfr.org/article/recipient-countries-hold-key-chinas-bri-success?amp&source=gmail&ust=1656449422880000&usg=AOvVaw3reQr7iIcaZttVBS25P_OG
Manjari Chatterjee Miller is senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). She is also a research associate in the Contemporary South Asian Studies Programme at the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies at the University of Oxford. An expert on India, China, South Asia, and rising powers, she is the author of Why Nations Rise: Narratives and the Path to Great Power (2021) and Wronged by Empire: Post-Imperial Ideology and Foreign Policy in India and China (2013). Miller is also the co-editor of the Routledge Handbook of China-India Relations (2020), a monthly columnist for the Hindustan Times, and a frequent contributor to policy and media outlets in the United States and Asia.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/frankzhang0711-2530515/
The past two decades have witnessed increasing scholarly analysis of China’s growing presence in Africa. How does African agency operate within the asymmetric power relations between China and African states? How do African actors use foreign-sponsored projects to achieve domestic objectives? Some analyses take a China-centered perspective, with divergent views about how Chinese economic engagement promotes or inhibits African development. Scholarly work increasingly recognizes the agency of African actors. I advance upon the African agency argument by proposing a concept of presidential extraversion. I argue that Chinese-sponsored projects in Africa have coincided with the host ruler’s strategies for political survival. Internationally, African rulers have strategized among their available options to ensure that the state received foreign finance and services on the most favorable terms. Domestically, they have instrumentalized Chinese-sponsored projects and loans to demonstrate their performance legitimacy and sustain patronage networks. I process-trace the Kenyan Standard Gauge Railway and Angolan Kilamba Kiaxi housing project, primarily relying on evidence collected in Kenya, Angola, and China from 2017 to 2019. The findings challenge the neo-dependency argument and show that despite Sino-African power asymmetry, African leaders have had the agency to shape this relationship to their advantage. The presidential extraversion argument advances upon African extraversion theory by locating the agency within the African political leaders rather than elites broadly
Wang, Y. (2022). Presidential extraversion: Understanding the politics of Sino-African mega-infrastructure projects. World Development, 158, 105976.
Her research concerns political leadership, state capacity, and China-Africa infrastructure cooperation. Her thesis investigates why Chinese-financed and -constructed develop into starkly different trajectories in different African countries.
She holds a DPhil in Politics at Department of Politics and International Relations (DPIR), University of Oxford. A Master of Science (MSc) in Politics Research from Oxford, a Master of Public Policy (MPP) from Harvard Kennedy School, and a Bachelor of Law in international relations from Shanghai International Studies University. Before Oxford, She served in the China office of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and at the Sino-Africa Centre of Excellence Foundation’s (SACE Foundation) Nairobi office for a total of three years.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/thedigitalartist-202249/
The 13th BRICS Summit, featuring the five major emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, took place virtually earlier this month. It was chaired by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and the leaders of the other BRICS members—Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa—all tuned in. Modi’s speech was avidly covered by the Indian press, and the summit itself drew significant coverage by newspapers in India and China, the two most populous BRICS members.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/09/27/brics-members-summit-brazil-russia-india-china-south-africa/
Manjari Chatterjee Miller is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and an associate professor at the Frederick S. Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University. She is the author of Why Nations Rise: Narratives and the Path to Great Power.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/www_slon_pics-5203613/
Since President Xi announced China’s grand strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, in Kazakhstan in 2013, it has grown so much in geographic and conceptual scope that it has become difficult to measure. Agreements setting out some form of formal affiliation with the initiative have been signed with 146 countries. Meanwhile, the projects covered by this grand strategy have increased in number but also in terms of sectoral and geographic complexity, from the Arctic to the deep oceans, from Latin America to outer space.
The COVID-19 pandemic, however, has been a major complication for the BRI. Since January 2020, China has closed its borders to the world, cutting off most in-person exchanges and crippling businesses’ ability to evaluate, negotiate and conclude new deals (Figures 1 and 2).
BY: ALICIA GARCÍA-HERRERO AND EYCK FREYMANN DATE: JUNE 23, 2022 TOPIC: GLOBAL ECONOMY AND TRADE -
https://www.bruegel.org/2022/06/a-new-kind-of-belt-and-road-initiative-after-the-pandemic/
Eyck Freymann is a doctoral candidate in China Studies at the University of Oxford, where he researches the geopolitics of climate change. He is Director of Indo-Pacific and global pandemic coverage at Greenmantle, a New York-based advisory firm, and a Non-Resident Research Fellow with the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College.
In the 2022–23 academic year he will be a joint Fellow at the Arctic Initiative at the Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the Columbia-Harvard China & the World Program.
Freymann’s first book, One Belt One Road: Chinese Power Meets the World (Harvard UP 2020), is assigned as required reading in Harvard’s “United States and China” introductory course for undergraduates. He also writes on a range of other current affairs topics, including U.S. politics and foreign policy and COVID-19. Freymann’s writing has appeared in The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, The Economist, Foreign Policy, and The Atlantic. As a reporter and columnist for The Wire China, he is the author of “The Warming War,” a series of investigative reports about the breakdown in climate diplomacy and its implications for the planet and global security.
Freymann holds two masters degrees in China Studies: the first from Harvard University and the second from the University of Cambridge, where he was a Harvard-UK Henry Scholar. He earned his bachelors degree cum laude with highest honors in East Asian History from Harvard College.
Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/users/julientromeur-3630051/
China’s outward investments are likely to have a substantial impact on global sustainability. Through capital, technology, and standards, China’s investments, including through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), have the potential to act as catalysts for sustainable, climate-conscious development—or to accelerate resource depletion, pollution, biodiversity loss, and carbon-intensive resource depletion. This policy paper draws from several pieces of research analyzing the political economy of China’s outward investments and consequent environmental impacts. Findings from these analyses cast doubt on the narrative that domestic overcapacity is the major driver of outward Chinese investment in coal-fired power; show that political favoritism in recipient countries exacerbates the environmental impacts, including deforestation, of China’s investments; and point to early evidence of a growing anti-China bias in energy infrastructure development among recipient country citizens. Together, these findings highlight the need for more nuance in policymaker models of BRI investments and their environmental impacts, with particular attention to the interaction between recipient country politics and China’s unique, state-capitalist political economy. These findings suggest that U.S. government agencies can best support sustainable, climate-conscious development by working to enhance institutional standards, bureaucratic capacity, and stakeholder engagement in recipient countries, so that they are able to channel investment financing toward needed development while reducing elite capture and mitigating environmental and climate impacts.
Meir Alkon is an Assistant Professor at Fordham University and a NonResident Fellow at Boston University’s Global Development Policy Center and a 2021–22 Wilson China Fellow1
https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/media/uploads/documents/Alkon_China%27s%20Outward%20Investments%20and%20Global%20Sustainability.pdf
Meir is an Assistant Professor at Fordham University and a former Harvard Environmental Fellow at the Department of Government and the Harvard University Center for the Environment. He is also an associate in research at Harvard’s Fairbank Center and a non-resident fellow at the Global China Initiative at Boston University’s Global Development Policy Center. Meir received his PhD jointly from Princeton’s Department of Politics and School of Public and International Affairs. His research bridges political economy and interdisciplinary approaches to public policy, analyzing the behavioral and institutional foundations of environmental and economic governance.
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