September 30, 2015 - 4:30pm

Thomas J. Christensen Flyer September 30

Many see China as a rival superpower to the United States and imagine the country’s rise to be a threat to U.S. leadership in Asia and beyond. Thomas J. Christensen argues against this zero-sum vision. Instead, he describes a new paradigm in which the real challenge lies in dissuading China from regional aggression while encouraging the country to contribute to the global order. Drawing on decades of scholarship and experience as a senior diplomat, Christensen offers a compelling new assessment of U.S.-China relations that is essential reading for anyone interested in the future of the globalized world.

In a recent New York Times book review by Jonathan Mirsky, a journalist and historian specializing in China, Mirsky writes:

Thomas J. Christensen Flyer September 30And when [Christensen] contends, with the clarity that distinguishes his narrative, that China “is by far the most influential developing country in world history,” and emphasizes that it “is being asked to do more at present than any developing country has in the past,” I take him seriously.

Co-sponsored with the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the East Asian Studies Department and Program.

The Princeton-Harvard China and the World Program of the Woodrow Wilson School whose mission is to encourage research on China’s foreign relations and China within the international relations context.

Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Dodds Auditorium

Thomas J. Christensen - William P. Boswell Professor of World Politics of Peace and War; Director, China and the World Program, Woodrow Wilson School.


October 7, 2015 - 4:30pm

Dalton Lin PhotoDalton Lin PhotoGeopolitical competition between big powers is often depicted as a chess game, where major countries make moves through acquiring geopolitical followers. To compete for and build up influence, regional powers often patronize neighboring countries. Through distributing economic, political, or military benefits, a regional power tries to shape client states' interests and policy orientations in ways favorable to the patron. In April 2015, a 7.8-magnitude earthquake struck Nepal and claimed a death toll of more than six thousand. China, Nepal's big-power neighbor, immediately poured 3.3 million dollars aid into the country, to alleviate the loss and buttress the Nepali government. Such an act exemplified the patronage diplomacy mentioned above because it ``pays political dividends down the road" in Beijing's competition for influence over Kathmandu against Washington (which also donated 1 million dollars). However, major countries do not distribute patronage benefits with equal generosity to all neighboring states. When Typhoon Haiyan wreaked similar destruction on the Philippines in November 2013 that also claimed casualties of more than six thousand, China's initial response was to donate a paltry 100,000 dollars.

In this CWP talk, Dalton Lin sheds light on what motivates a regional power to direct largess toward one neighbor while snubbing another in the face of extra-regional power’s competition for buying influence. When regional power rivalries are intense, high security pressure forces a regional power to be risk-averse and prioritize distributing patronage to neighbors having affinity to the regional power. In contrast, when regional power rivalries are loose, low security pressure gives a regional power the leisure to buy off neutral neighbors, who sit on the fence but might be brought into the fold through patronization. Findings of a case study on China’s aid to North Vietnam at three critical junctures of the Vietnam War support the above mechanism, but the talk will touch upon the theory’s relevance to contemporary East Asia as well.

Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Bowl 1 Audience: Open to the Public

Dalton Lin CWP Postdoctoral Fellow


October 13, 2015 - 4:30pm

Will Africa Feed China? October 13th EventWill Africa Feed China?Is China building a new empire in rural Africa? Over the past decade, China's meteoric rise on the continent has raised a drumbeat of alarm. China has 9 percent of the world's arable land, 6 percent of its water, and over 20 percent of its people. Africa's savannahs and river basins host the planet's largest expanses of underutilized land and water. Few topics are as controversial and emotionally charged as the belief that the Chinese government is aggressively buying up huge tracts of prime African land to grow food to ship back to China. Deborah Brautigam, one of the world's leading experts on China and Africa, probes the myths and realities behind the media headlines. Her careful research challenges the conventional wisdom; as she shows, Chinese farming investments are in fact surprisingly limited, and land acquisitions modest.

What role will China play in Africa? Moving from the halls of power in Beijing to remote irrigated rice paddies of Africa, Will Africa Feed China? introduces the people and the politics that will shape the future of this engagement: the state-owned Chinese agribusiness firms that pioneered African farming in the 1960s and the entrepreneurial private investors who followed them. Their fascinating stories, and those of the African farmers and officials who are their counterparts, ground Brautigam's deeply informative, deftly balanced reporting. Forcefully argued and empirically rich, Will Africa Feed China?will be a landmark work, shedding new light on China's evolving global quest for food security and Africa's possibilities for structural transformation.


Deborah Bräutigam is the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of Political Economy, Director of the International Development Program, and Director of the China Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Her books include the best-selling The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa and she is the author of many other studies on Chinese industrial, agricultural, and financial engagement in Africa. Joining SAIS in 2012, she previously served as Director of the Economic and Political Development (EPD) Program at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, and as Professor at American University's School of International Service. Dr. Bräutigam has advised more than a dozen governments on China-Africa relations, served as a visiting scholar at the World Bank, and senior research fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Her newest book—Will Africa Feed China?—will be published in October 2015 by Oxford University Press.

Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Bowl 2 Audience: Open to the Public

Deborah Brautigam - SAIS - Johns Hopkins University


November 11, 2015 - 12:15pm

Christina Lai and Thomas Christensen Princeton CWP program picture NOvember 2015Christina Lai Photo HeadshotChina’s economy and its military capabilities have grown significantly in the last three decades, yet up until 2010 China’s neighbors did not form a counterbalancing coalition against China or significantly increase their military spending. Most studies offer traditional balance of power explanations for this outcome, such as free-riding on U.S. efforts, but this neglects the role Chinese leaders’ rhetoric has played in legitimating China’s rise.

China’s rise provides an opportunity to examine this question, as over the last two decades, China has experienced one of the most dramatic and sustained periods of economic growth of any great power in world history. This has led to debates in both academic and policy circles about whether China will pose a threat to the United States and its regional allies in Asia.

My work investigates whether China’s rhetorical discourse with its neighbors, rather than being “cheap talk,” helped prevent the rise of regional balancing coalition against China from 1990 to 2010. It examines China’s assurance and reassurance strategy toward Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam in the South China Sea territorial disputes. More specifically, China deploys different foreign discourses toward these three countries to address their concerns, and these countries also positively respond to Chinese rhetoric. I argue that Chinese rhetoric indeed help forestall strategic encirclement up until 2010, but China’s turn toward harsher rhetoric and more assertive behavior in 2010 began to create the very counter-balancing coalition that China has sought to prevent. My study addresses the lack of balancing behaviors among Asian countries and highlights the assurance and reassurance strategy that China and its neighbors deployed toward each other in the South China Sea disputes.

Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Bowl 2 Audience: Open to the Public

Christina Lai - CWP Postdoctoral Fellow - China's foreign policy in the South China Sea


November 24, 2015 - 12:15pm to 1:20pm

Chi-hung Wei Photo from November 24 2015headshot of wei chi-hung FellowAccording to a liberal peace thesis, China may become prosperous and democratic at home as well as peaceful abroad if the United States integrates China into world trade. The thesis, however, is ahistorical because only after the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown was trade understood in salvationistterms. In the 1980s, trade was merely understood as serving the geopolitical purpose of strengthening the U.S.-China alignment against Moscow. During the early post-Mao reform, prosperity and democracy were viewed as growing from within.

Chi-hung Wei examines the political context within which academic discussions of China have proceeded. Specifically, he focuses on the American policy debate over China’s most-favored-nation (MFN) status in the 1990s. After Tiananmen, a pro-engagement coalition, concerned about U.S. interests in China ranging from geopolitics and security to economics, opposed sanctions by attaching moral/liberal values to an MFN policy that had previously only stressed China as a counterweight against Moscow. Open trade, “engagers” argued, could better correct China’s behavior, both at home and abroad. In particular, while U.S. leaders had argued in the 1980s that Chinese economic reform could produce democracy (a discourse based on modernization theory), engagers now argued that trade could work its magic on political reform by encouraging Chinese economic reform.

Epistemologically, U.S.-China trade is a time-bound concept. Its meanings have been endogenous to the course of U.S. China policy. The current salvationist understanding of trade does not develop independently of the context of U.S. engagement with China. Rather than inflating Chinese threats, engagers might deflate them. While liberals argue that trade may make China manageable, Wei shows that engagers portrayed China as malleable under trade in order to legitimate their engagement policy.

Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Bowl 1

Open to the Public Speaker(s): Chi-hung Wei - CWP Postdoctoral Fellow

China’s Security Concerns: The Enduring Link between External and Internal Challenges

December 9, 2015 - 4:30pm

Avery Goldstein Photo CWPAvery Goldstein PhotoAvery Goldstein is David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, Director of Center for the Study of Contemporary China, and Associate Director of the Christopher H. Browne Center for International Politics at the University of Pennsylvania. Goldstein’s research focuses on international relations, security studies, and Chinese politics. His books include Rising to the Challenge: China’s Grand Strategy and International Security (2005) and The Nexus of Economics, Security, and International Relations in East Asia (2012, co-edited with Edward D. Mansfield). His articles have appeared in International Security, Foreign Affairs, International Organization, the Journal of Strategic Studies, China Quarterly, Asian Survey, Comparative Politics, Orbis, Security Studies, and other journals.

Description of talk:

Though the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is today more secure against foreign military attack than at any time since 1949, its leaders have grown increasingly concerned about internal security challenges and their possible links to external threats. Yet, the CCP’s concern about internal, as well as, external challenges is not new. This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949, linking them with the evolution of China’s grand strategy. During most of the Cold War decades, a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt mainly, though not exclusively, grand strategies focused on coping with a clearly defined external security challenge. By contrast, after the Cold War and especially in the 21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns confronts a stronger China’s leaders with new challenges as they make their grand strategic choices.

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Woodrow Wilson School - Robertson Hall - Bowl 1 Audience: Open to the Public

Avery Goldstein -David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, University of Pennsylvania


February 3, 2016 - 4:30pm


ABSTRACT: U.S.-China relations today are constrained by suspicion due to ideological and geopolitical competition. This trajectory bodes ill with the prospect of growing and costly military rivalry and a diminished ability for Washington and Beijing to jointly address global challenges ranging from nuclear proliferation to climate change. A more constructive alternative to a cycle of threat and escalation seeks common ground between Chinese and American perspectives. This "smart power" approach is the basis of Meeting China Halfway: How to Defuse the Emerging US-China Rivalry. At the core of the book are ten "cooperation spirals," which offer specific policy recommendations for increasing U.S.-China cooperation across critical issue areas. Based on principles of gradualism and reciprocity, the proposals are also supported by deep research into thousands of Mandarin-language writings. The specific proposals can and should be strenuously debated. This lecture will evaluate the current state of US-China relations including the strategic balance, assess both Chinese and American perspectives, and will also present some of the cooperation spirals discussed above.

Please see also my May 2015 book launch at Brookings: http://redirect.state.sbu/?url=


Prof. Lyle J. Goldstein is an associate professor in the China Maritime Studies Institute (CMSI), which was established at U.S. Naval War College in October 2006 to improve mutual understanding and maritime cooperation with China. He served as the founding director of CMSI from 2006 to 2011. For this service, he was recently awarded the Superior Civilian Service Medal.

He is currently also a visiting fellow of the Watson Institute of International Studies at Brown University.

Proficient in Chinese and Russian, Professor Goldstein has conducted extensive field research in both China and Russia. His research on Chinese security policy, especially concerning maritime development, has been published in China Quarterly,International Security, IISS Survival, Contemporary Southeast Asia, Journal of Strategic Studies, and U.S. Naval InstituteProceedings.

Professor Goldstein's first book, which compared proliferation crises and focused particularly on Chinese nuclear strategy, was published by Stanford University Press in 2005. He is the co-editor of the books China’s Future Nuclear Submarine Force(2007), China’s Energy Strategy: The Impact on Beijing’s Maritime Policies (2008), China Goes to Sea: Maritime Transformation in a Comparative Historical Context (2009), China, the US and 21st Century Sea Power: Defining a Maritime Partnership (2010) and Chinese Aerospace Power: Evolving Maritime Roles (2011).

Recently, his research has focused on various quandaries in U.S.-China relations, including the imperative to enhance maritime cooperation. He earned a PhD from Princeton University in 2001 and has an MA from Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.

The opinions expressed in this lecture are his (Dr. Lyle Goldstein) own and do not represent the official assessments of the US Navy.

Book Description:

Though a US-China conflict is far from inevitable, major tensions are building in the Asia-Pacific region. These strains are the result of historical enmity, cultural divergence, and deep ideological estrangement, not to mention apprehensions fueled by geopolitical competition and the closely related "security dilemma." Despite worrying signs of intensifying rivalry between Washington and Beijing, few observers have provided concrete paradigms to lead this troubled relationship away from disaster. Meeting China Halfway: How to Defuse the Emerging US-China Rivalry is dramatically different from any other book about US-China relations. Lyle J. Goldstein's explicit focus in almost every chapter is on laying bare both US and Chinese perceptions of where their interests clash and proposing new paths to ease bilateral tensions through compromise. Each chapter contains a "cooperation spiral"—the opposite of an escalation spiral—to illustrate the policy proposals. Goldstein not only parses findings from the latest American scholarship but also breaks new ground by analyzing hundreds of Chinese-language sources, including military publications, never before evaluated by Western experts. Goldstein makes one hundred policy proposals over the course of this book, not because these are the only solutions to arresting the alarming course toward conflict, but rather to inaugurate a genuine debate regarding cooperative policy solutions to the most vexing problems in US-China relations. -- See more at:

Robertson Hall - Bowl 2

Open to the Public

Lyle Goldstein


February 17, 2016 - 4:30pm

Enze Han Lecture 2016

Enze Han Headshot CWPThe rise of China in the recent decades has generated tremendous amount of strategic anxiety among myriads of concerned parties. In the case of the United States, concerned with losing its primacy in the East Asian region to China, has undertaken a series of actions aiming at strengthening its existing security alliances while building new economic and trade ties that potentially target at the exclusion of China, In the case of Southeast Asia, many of the weaker states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have increasingly faced such competitive pressure from the two bigger powers. How can we theorize the foreign policy opportunities and challenges for such states in the context of big power competition? This talk examines the foreign policy choices of two mainland Southeast Asian countries – Myanmar (Burma) and Thailand - since the start of the Cold War, and analyzes their current trend and future trajectories.


Dr. Enze Han is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London. His research interests include ethnic politics in China, China's relations with Southeast Asia, especially with Myanmar (Burma) and Thailand, and the politics of state formation in the borderland area between China, Myanmar and Thailand. His recent publications include Contestation and Adapation: The Politics of National Identity in China (OUP, 2013), and with various articles appearing in The Journal of Contemporary China, The China Quarterly, Nationalities Papers, Security Studies, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, among others. Previously, Dr. Han was a postdoctoral fellow in the China and the World Program, Princeton University. He received a Ph.D in Political Science from the George Washington University. He is currently a member at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, USA. His research has also been supported by the Leverhulme Research Fellowship.

Robertson Hall Bowl 1

Open to the Public

Enze Han


March 3, 2016 - 8:50am to March 4, 2016 - 8:50pm


CWP Workshop Flyer 2016 Lehigh University March 3 and 4

For March 3-4th, 2016 The China and the World Program at the Woodrow Wilson School will be at Lehigh University in Bethlehem PA.

March 3rd Schedule

12:00-12:30 – Lunch – University Center – Room 308

12:30-12:45: Opening by Dean Donald Hall & CWP Co-Directors Thom(link is external)as Christensen or Alastair Iain Johnston(link is external)

12:45-2:15: Andrew Erickson(link is external) - Naval War College "Chinese Military Maritime and Aerospace Development"; moderated by Arman Grigoryan, Lehigh International Relations Department

2:15-2:30 – Break

2:30-4:00: Jessica Weiss(link is external) - Cornell University "Authoritarian Audiences in International Crises: Evidence from China"; moderated by Constance Cook, Lehigh Modern Languages and Literatures Department

4:00-4:15 – Break

4:15-6:30: Thomas Christensen – ‘The China Challenge’ (Roundtable); moderated by Professor Chaim Kaufmann, Lehigh International Relations Department

7:00-10:00 CWP Workshop Dinner


March 4th Schedule:

Format for the invitation only-fellows' workshop:

Dalton Lin:

Title: Great Power Rivalries, Alignment Predispositions, and Patronage Politics on China's Periphery

Abstract: When competing with other major countries for buying regional influence, what drives a regional power to patronize one neighbor while snubbing another? In the face of competing powers’ cajoling, neighboring countries have both balancing and bandwagonging incentives: their geography, history, and ideology predispose them toward various levels of alignment between competing powers, but these neighbors' willingness to compromise their alignment predispositions for patronage benefits gives rise to patronage politics on a regional power's periphery. High security pressures amid zero-sum power rivalries force a regional power to concentrate on consolidating bonds with sympathizers, whose allegiance it must keep to survive the power struggle. In contrast, low security pressures amid loose power rivalries enable the regional power to take a long-term perspective and adventure to court neutral neighbors, who sit on the fence but are responsive to patronizing attempts. This logic helps explain the tradeoffs a regional power makes between cementing its extant sphere of influence and expanding its geopolitical rank and file. A comparative historical analysis of China's aid to North Vietnam at three critical junctures of the Vietnam War shows how China's rivalries with the United States and the Soviet Union and its perceptions of North Vietnam's alignment predispositions affected Beijing's patronage distribution to Hanoi.

Christina Lai:

Title: Anticipating Rhetorical Traps: China’s Assurance Strategy toward Japan, Malaysia, and the Philippines.

Abstract: Beijing’s rhetoric of peaceful rise indeed helped forestall strategic encirclement up until 2010, but China’s turn toward harsher rhetoric and more assertive behavior in 2010 began to create the very counter-balancing coalition that China has sought to prevent. My work examines China’s assurance and reassurance strategy toward Malaysia, the Philippines, and Japan from 1990 to 2010. More specifically, China deploys different foreign discourses toward these three countries to address their concerns, and these countries also positively respond to Chinese rhetoric. However, when China was more assertive from 2010-2013, these three countries applied rhetorical strategies to constrain China’s foreign behavior. They set up different traps to gauge China’s intentions and highlight the inconsistence between China’s previous commitment on peaceful rise and recent assertiveness. My study point outs the “assurance and entrapment” strategy that China and its neighbors deployed toward each other.

Chi-Hung Wei:

Title: A Constructivist Theory of Engagement: U.S. Economic Statecraft toward China after Tiananmen

Abstract: IR scholars have proposed theories of trade with allies and enemies. In the case of U.S.-China relations, because China is neither an American ally nor an American enemy, some scholars have explained U.S. economic engagement with China since the mid-1990s by labeling China a limited-aims revisionist state. However, it is tautological to view the target of engagement as limited-aims revisionist because the sender state engages the target. Building on the constructivist argument that amity and enmity are what states make of them, I argue that China as a limited-aims revisionist state is an effect, rather than a cause, of U.S. engagement. If the United States contains China, China would become an enemy. If Washington engages China, China’s aims would likely remain limited, or China would likely become a status quo power someday under engagement. China will be what Washington makes of it.

Location: Lehigh University Audience: Open to the Public

CWP Alumni Fellows Workshop at Lehigh University March 3 and 4 2016


4:30 pm Wed, Mar 23, 2016

Michael Green Michael Green CSIS HeadshotIn this talk Professor Michael J. Green will preview his forthcoming book on the history of American statecraft in Asia and explain how those lessons apply as mastery of the Western Pacific is again being contested. While many accounts of American policy in Asia begin with the end of the Second World War or perhaps the Spanish American War, in fact the core concepts of American engagement across the Pacific were established by the first Americans to travel to the Far East in the year after the Revolutionary War ended. First and foremost among these concepts was the principle that no rival hegemon should be permitted to turn the Pacific from a conduit for the free flow of trade and ideas Westward into an avenue for threats that might emanate from Asia towards the North American continent. Yet these earliest thinkers on Asia also encountered challenges that have complicated American planning to this day. Are U.S. interests more closely aligned with China at the center of Asia or Japan at the center of the Pacific? How far forward should the American defensive line be in the Pacific? Are democratic values an instrument of influence in the region or an obstacle to national interest? And how much of a stake does the United States have in Asia compared with historic ties to Europe and the immediacy of crises in the Middle East?

Professor Green will examine how American strategists have wrestled with these contradictions over two centuries and why these themes continue to shape strategic debates on the region today. He will draw not only on his forthcoming book, but also his recently completed report on the Obama administration’s “Rebalance to Asia” which was commissioned by the U.S. Congress and published in January.


Michael Jonathan Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and chair in modern and contemporary Japanese politics and foreign policy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for Asian affairs, with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the NSC staff, he was senior fellow for East Asian security at the Council on Foreign Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center and the Foreign Policy Institute, and an assistant professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and senior adviser on Asia in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. He also worked in Japan on the staff of a member of the National Diet.

Dr. Green is also currently a nonresident fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, Australia, and a distinguished scholar at the Rebuild Japan Initiative Foundation in Tokyo. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Aspen Strategy Group, the America Australia Leadership Dialogue, the advisory board of the Center for a New American Security, and the editorial boards of the Washington Quarterly and theJournal of Unification Studies in Korea. He is also an associate of the U.S. Intelligence Community. Dr. Green has authored numerous books and articles on East Asian security. His current research includes a book project on the history of U.S. strategy in Asia; a survey of elite views of norms, power, and regional institutions in Asia; and a monograph on Japanese strategic culture. He received his master’s and doctoral degrees from SAIS and did additional graduate and postgraduate research at Tokyo University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He received his bachelor’s degree in history from Kenyon College with highest honors. He holds a black belt in Iaido (sword) and has won international prizes on the great highland bagpipe.

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Robertson Hall Bowl 1

Open to the Public

Michael Green


4:30 pm Wed, Apr 6, 2016

Shiping Tang Talk 2016

Shiping Tang Fudan Professor HeadshotStarting with a conceptual analysis of order, I go on to critically examine the notion of international order and “liberal” international order. I argue that some of the underpinning principles of “liberal” international order are foundationally different from the underpinning principles of liberal (domestic) order. Most prominently, no international order can be objectively legitimate because unlike a liberal domestic order that is ideally based on subjects’ “voluntary submission” to an order, an international order, even a “liberal” one, cannot be based on subjects’ voluntary submission to an order. Yet, perhaps ironically, it is precisely because of the not-so-genuine liberal nature of the “liberal” international order that makes some reshaping the international order via intra-system bargaining between the rising powers and the reigning hegemon more feasible than most liberals would like to admit. I then explore the possible role of China as an illiberal rising power in the (re-)shaping of the “liberal” international order, illustrating with the case of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) from its possible origin in the failure of intra-system reform of IMF to its eventual quasi-intra-system formation. I conclude with some thoughts on policy-relevant issues.


Shiping Tang is Fudan Distinguished Professor and Dr. Seaker Chan Chair Professor at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs (SIRPA), Fudan University, Shanghai, China. For the 2015-16 academic year, he is a Fulbright visiting research scholar at the School of Global Policy and Strategy, University of California at San Diego.

Prof. Tang has very broad research interests and has published widely. His most recent book, The Social Evolution of International Politics (2013), received the International Studies Association (ISA) “Annual Best Book Award” in 2015. He is also the author of A General Theory of Institutional Change (2011), A Theory of Security Strategy for Our Time: Defensive Realism (2010), and many articles in journals in international relations, institutional economics, sociology, and philosophy of the social sciences.

Robertson Hall Bowl 1

Open to the Public

Shiping Tang



4:30 pm Wed, Apr 13, 2016

Peter Dutton Picture at Lecture 4.13.16

Peter Dutton Headshot Naval War CollegeABSTRACT: This presentation will survey the range of perspectives among China's leading thinkers about the trajectory of Chinese sea power development and the relationship between sea power and the nation's security strategy. The presentation will relate China's security strategy to developments in the South China Sea--including the island-building campaign and the Philippines' arbitration case--and consider potential future developments in China's near seas and in the Indian Ocean.


Prof. Peter Dutton is a Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College. Professor Dutton's current research focuses on American and Chinese views of sovereignty and international law of the sea and the strategic implicationsto the United States and the United States Navy of Chinese international law and policy choices. Selected recent publications include: Military Activities in the EEZ: A U.S.-China Dialogue for Security in the Maritime Commons (December 2010), Caelum Liberam: Air Defense Identification Zones Outside Sovereign Airspace (American Journal of International Law, October 2009), Charting a Course: US-China Cooperation atSea (China Security, April 2009), Scouting, Signaling and Gate-Keeping: Chinese Naval Operations in Japanese Waters and the International Law Implications (China Maritime Studies Monograph, April 2009), and Carving Up the East China Sea (Naval War College Review, Spring 2007). Additionally, Professor Dutton has testified before the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission on Chinese Perspectives on Sovereignty and Access Control (February 2008) and on the Implications of Chinese Naval Modernization (June 2009). Additionally, he testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Maritime Disputes and Sovereignty Issues in East Asia (July 2009). Professor Dutton also researches and lectures on topics related to international law of the sea issues in the East and South China Seas, East and Southeast Asia, the Arctic, the Proliferation Security Initiative, and Maritime Strategy. He is a retired Navy Judge Advocate and holds a Juris Doctor from the College of William and Mary, a Master's of Arts (with distinction) from Naval War College, and a Bachelor's of Science (cum laude) from Boston University. - See more at: is external)

Robertson Hall Bowl 1

Open to the Public

Peter Dutton


4:30 pm Wed, Apr 20, 2016

Sheila Smith Headshot

No country has felt the impact of China’s rise more keenly than Japan. In my recent book, Intimate Rivals: Japanese Domestic Politics and a Rising China, I explore the complex ways in which China’s growing influence is affecting Japan’s domestic debate about its foreign policy goals and its own ability to compete in regional affairs. Yet there is a more pressing question. Will China’s rise transform the basic premises of Japan’s postwar strategic calculus? Will Japan abandon the limitations of its Constitution on the use of force, and emerge once again as a full-fledged military power? Can Japan find allies and partners to offset the growing Chinese influence over the Asia Pacific? As Asia’s long time maritime power, will Japan be willing to allow China to assume a greater role in providing for regional security? I will explore the role of the United States in this evolving strategic competition between Tokyo and Beijing in Asia, and how Japan’s changing strategic calculus could raise new expectations for Washington’s management of our most important Asian alliance.


Sheila A. Smith(link is external), an expert on Japanese politics and foreign policy, is senior fellow for Japan studies at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). She is the author of Intimate Rivals: Japanese Domestic Politics and a Rising China(link is external) (Columbia University Press, 2015) andJapan's New Politics and the U.S.-Japan Alliance (Council on Foreign Relations, June 2014). Her current research focuses on how geostrategic change in Asia is shaping Japan's strategic choices. In the fall of 2014, Smith began a new project on Northeast Asian Nationalisms and Alliance Management(link is external).

Smith is a regular contributor to the CFR blog Asia Unbound(link is external), and frequent contributor to major media outlets in the United States and Asia. She joined CFR from the East-West Center in 2007, where she directed a multinational research team in a cross-national study of the domestic politics of the U.S. military presence in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. She was a visiting scholar at Keio University in 2007-08, where she researched Japan’s foreign policy towards China, supported by the Abe Fellowship. Smith has been a visiting researcher at two leading Japanese foreign and security policy think tanks, the Japan Institute of International Affairs and the Research Institute for Peace and Security, and at the University of Tokyo and the University of the Ryukyus.

Smith is vice chair of the U.S. advisors to the U.S.-Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational Exchange (CULCON), a bi-national advisory panel of government officials and private sector members. She teaches as an adjunct professor at the Asian Studies Department of Georgetown University and serves on the board of its Journal of Asian Affairs. She earned her MA and PhD degrees from the department of political science at Columbia University.

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Location: Robertson Hall Bowl 1

Open to the Public

Sheila Smith